Elite control of Pakistan’s human rights agenda is deepening public alienation and weakening grassroots justice.
In Pakistan, the conversation on human rights is often dominated by a small, privileged class. These are the urban elites—fluent in English, educated abroad, and employed in donor-funded NGOs or international forums—who speak of justice and freedom from behind desks and in luxury conference halls. While the principles of human rights are meant to be universal, their practice in Pakistan is anything but inclusive.
Most major human rights organizations are based in big cities like Islamabad, Lahore, and Karachi. Their leadership typically hails from upper-middle-class or elite backgrounds. Their work, though well-meaning, often reflects priorities shaped by foreign donors rather than the lived realities of ordinary Pakistanis. Issues like digital privacy, gender identity, or media freedom—important in themselves—frequently overshadow the everyday human rights challenges faced by millions, including landlessness, bonded labor, water scarcity, police violence, and systemic discrimination.
A Language and Location Barrier
One of the biggest problems is access. The language of human rights discourse in Pakistan is overwhelmingly English. The concepts and terminology are alien to the vast majority of citizens. Reports are written for diplomats and donors—not for the people. Important terms like “marginalization” or “intersectionality” are rarely translated or explained in Urdu or regional languages. As a result, most of Pakistan’s population feels disconnected from a movement that claims to represent them.
The urban bias is equally damaging. Rural areas where violations are often more severe receive little attention. Media and legal support almost always favor urban, high-profile cases. A woman assaulted in Islamabad becomes a headline. A woman facing daily violence in rural Sindh or interior Balochistan barely gets noticed.
Political Ties and Selective Silence
Elitism in human rights is also linked to political affiliations. Many prominent activists maintain close ties with political parties, bureaucracies, or media groups. This often leads to selective activism. Some abuses are condemned; others are overlooked, depending on the political loyalties of the abuser. This lack of consistency damages credibility and public trust.
Moreover, the human rights field has become a career ladder for some, offering scholarships, international fellowships, and professional growth. Activism is sometimes reduced to a networking tool rather than a moral cause.
Gender Justice and Class Blindness
Feminist movements in Pakistan have played an essential role in raising awareness and challenging patriarchy. However, many women from working-class or rural backgrounds feel excluded from high-profile events like Aurat March. Their struggles—over unpaid labor, harassment in fields and homes, or access to health—rarely headline urban campaigns.
The gender justice movement must expand its base. It cannot rely solely on the slogans and symbolism of the English-speaking class. It must connect with real-life experiences and engage women across all economic and social backgrounds.
What Needs to Change
To fix this class-based distortion of human rights advocacy in Pakistan, several steps are necessary:
1. Decentralization: Human rights groups must establish a deeper, long-term presence in rural and underserved areas.
2. Language Inclusion: Reports, campaigns, and training material should be available in Urdu and regional languages.
3. Diverse Leadership: People from non-elite backgrounds—especially minorities, laborers, and women from rural areas—must be placed in leadership positions.
4. Donor Reform: Funding should be directed toward grassroots causes, not only toward trends or global agendas.
5. Cultural Engagement: Instead of avoiding religion and tradition, rights-based work should speak in the language of local moral values—justice (*insaf*), dignity (*izzat*), and responsibility (*zimmedari*).
Conclusion
Human rights belong to everyone, not just the English-speaking elite. If Pakistan’s human rights movement is to survive and succeed, it must step outside its echo chambers. It must listen to the voiceless, stand with the powerless, and ground its agenda in the daily struggles of ordinary people. Until that happens, human rights in Pakistan will remain an idea owned by a few, not a reality lived by the many.
About the Author
Prof. Dr. Taimoor ul Hassan is a senior academic and media analyst. He has served as Dean at Beaconhouse National University (BNU) and the University of Central Punjab (UCP). He is currently Professor of Mass Communication at UCP and writes on media, governance, and public discourse in Pakistan.
